On the face of it, Conor Murphy’s ambition to pursue his political career in Seanad Éireann fits Sinn Féin’s island-view of politics. There is no question that the north needs a voice in the Oireachtas.
The Irish government is a player in the north’s politics, and it needs to be called to account for how it discharges its role.
The Republic’s wider political class also needs to be kept on its toes. For too long many Irish politicians have reinforced the border rather than pursue the cause of reunification.
Those, like me, who have southern relatives who were granted their right to self-determination a century ago, will know how easily a partitionist mindset prevailed south of the border.
That is not surprising. There was much to be done on the ‘home’ front without having to worry about their ‘friends in the north’.
The new nation had to deal with centuries of damage from colonialism, and then it had to overcome the self-inflicted wounds of de Valera’s vision of Ireland as a conservative, Catholic, rural society – an approach which held it back socially, culturally and economically.
Murphy is a canny politician, and he will certainly add fibre to Sinn Féin’s Oireachtas team.
The reasons for his decision have been set out clearly. “Reunification and constitutional change has been the primary purpose of my involvement in politics since I was a teenager,” he said.
In his sights is a border poll by 2030 – shockingly not so far away now.
The demand for a border poll is unassailable. Partition is preventing everyone who lives in the north – nationalist, unionist and ‘other’ - from reaching their full potential as citizens of a self-confident, progressive nation.
Properly prepared for and executed, a poll is the mechanism which will deliver us from union with Britain – a nation that is committed to continuing economic self-harm, whose values few here share, and which is increasingly marginalised on the world stage.
But a seat in the Seanad is no platform from which to spearhead the reunification of Ireland.
The Seanad is the legislative equivalent of a rest home for failed politicians. Yes, seanadóirí can introduce new legislation, but as a revising chamber its powers are limited and its members will always be second-class alongside directly-elected TDs.
As things sit, Murphy has a direct mandate from his constituents – people he has represented for decades. He has a voice in the directly-elected Northern Ireland Assembly and, more importantly, he heads one of the key ministries in the executive.
The economy department’s remit covers everything from economic development and energy, through to further and higher education, and on to tourism. It is a strong platform to pursue a cross-border agenda – pretty well all of its areas of interest are enhanced if approached on an all-island basis.
Indeed, it could be argued that a successful outcome in a border poll – whenever it comes – will depend on the ability of Sinn Féin members in the executive to demonstrate the power of an all-Ireland approach in their departments.
In that respect, Murphy’s department is critical. We know from the Scottish Independence Referendum that Alex Salmond’s failure to answer key economic questions was the Achillies Heel of the failed campaign.
Sinn Féin’s decision to shift Murphy says something about its lack of faith in the constitutional arrangements here, and the ability of its ministers in the executive to move the dial. Murphy’s acceptance of the partitionist approach to higher education in the north-west is an example.
But, and here is the nub of the border poll problem, victory (by which I mean a vote in favour of reunification) depends crucially on our ability to earn votes from those who currently don’t see the benefits.
I accept that there is a risk that the partitionist mindset will prevail south of the border. I hope not. But I know for certain that a vote for reunification will be won or lost in the six counties, and it will not be won on the basis of a sectarian headcount alone.
While recognising that only one vote over 50 per cent is needed to secure victory, the best hopes for a new nation rest on securing a significant majority.
In spite of a quarter century of ‘peace’, we have a long way to go down the road to reconciliation.
The many talents of the would-be seanadóir would be better spent promoting reunification in his current stomping ground, rather than from the benches of a legislature whose powers are modelled on the British House of Lords.