The extent of the remarkable and irreversible changes taking place in our society can sometimes be hard to fully appreciate.
Last week, the Equality Commission’s Fair Employment Monitoring Report revealed there were now more Catholics in employment in the north of Ireland than Protestants, a testimony to the work of those who promoted the McBride Principles in the 1980s and others who exposed, challenged and changed deeply ingrained prejudicial employment cultures and practices.
Whilst it remains the case Catholics are disproportionately more likely to suffer socio-economic deprivation than Protestants, this is a welcome development that can only help address that more enduring source of inequality.
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The figures also provide further evidence of the demographic change transforming our politics, as evidenced by the latest election results.
The Westminster election confirmed that the nine elected nationalist MPs remain very safe in their seats, with significant nationalist majorities now in precisely half of the 18 constituencies.
As I predicted in this column some weeks ago, the electorate of Fermanagh and South Tyrone voted to secure an unprecedented winning vote margin for Sinn Féin’s Pat Cullen, a fitting response to those who endeavoured to vilify the former RCN leader and a firm statement to many in the media and political unionism that nationalists reject the calculatedly cynical and selective use of victims and our past during election campaigns, preferring those who focus on the challenges of today and visions of tomorrow.
Sinn Féin’s performance was extraordinary on many levels. Not only did they increase their electoral advantage in every one of the seven constituencies in which party candidates emerged as winners, the party also came within 180 votes of pulling off a shock result in East Derry, the new marginal now North Belfast is secure. The decision to tactically withdraw from four seats helped Claire Hanna comfortably return in South Belfast and Mid Down and helped facilitate the shock win for Sorcha Eastwood in Lagan Valley.
Sinn Féin had been criticised for appearing to run a pedestrian campaign, producing a threadbare manifesto and sitting out many of the public spats between candidates of other parties during debates. They also seemed unusually late to get posters up in many key constituencies.
All of which mattered not a jot. Turns out that Sinn Féin knows the nationalist constituency very well.
Michelle O’Neill is developing the type of first name identification with voters that all politicians aspire to, knowing how it conveys a depth of affinity that translates into volumes of votes. I’ve seen and heard it amongst both first time voters and those more weathered by age, and party strategists have wisely ensured that ‘Michelle’ has at times remained above the rough and tumble of party politics knowing her greatest strength has been her personal touch, warmth and connection with voters.
The tribal call is always loud in mid-summer, though the ever-present elephant of sectarianism is studiously avoided by some who prefer to peddle stories of record breaking inferno heights and face painters
The SDLP’s performance will have given reason for concern. The party was hammered by Sinn Féin everywhere except in the two seats which mattered the most this time. Talk of a close contest in South Down was ridiculously wide of the mark, and in many constituencies, Sinn Féin would swallow up SDLP MLA seats if these results were repeated at Assembly level.
This election came too soon for the SDLP, and Colum Eastwood will know that the next contest will be a truer test and judgment of their effectiveness as the Opposition in Stormont.
In contrast to nationalism, unionism emerges from the latest electoral contest more fragmented than before, with the DUP losing votes and seats in many directions. The implications for the stability of the Executive will not be clear for some time, though reason for optimism comes in the fact the DUP know that its time outside of the Executive did not deliver a better outcome.
Meanwhile, the bonfires have been built and burned, adorned as usual with offensive statements, paramilitary flags and banners replaced in the final hours with all things representing the Other. Houses and libraries were boarded up and hosed down, ethnic minorities attacked and intimidated from homes in Antrim and east Belfast, play parks damaged and beauty spots sacrificed on the altar of bigotry and political cowardice.
The tribal call is always loud in mid-summer, though the ever-present elephant is studiously avoided by some who prefer to peddle stories of record breaking inferno heights and face painters.
The burning and marching rituals of July provide familiarity and small comfort for Ulster’s most loyal amidst our new constant of change that, like time and tide, yields for none.
